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The Balance and Columbian
Repository
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From
the Vermont Journal. Mr. James Elliot, To His Constituents
(July 2nd, 1805)
That
part of the Constitution of the United States which allows
to the people of the southern states, a representation in
congress and in the election of the president, for their
slaves (for it is not a representation of slaves) is the
only part of that instrument which I consider as materially
objectionable; and I shall not be deterred from an
expression of my sentiments upon the subject, by the foolish
outcry about an imaginary dissolution of the Union. I have
often said, that I will not to see the subject again
agitated, in the form of an amendment to the constitution.
Every one knows it must be unavailing. But it may still be
useful that the operation of that part of the constitution
should be better understood by the people than it has been
hitherto. Information can do no harm in a republican
government: the more the people know, the greater the
probability of preserving the constitution.
| It is
certainly true that the rich planter in the southern
states who possesses fifty slaves, has thirty one times
the political weight in our national government that is
possessed by the farmer or merchant in New England. He
does not directly give so many votes, but the state is
allowed them, as one of the constituents of the
representative and elector of his district, he possesses
all that consequence. At the same time he contributes
much less than his proposition to the support of
government, for the laboring slaves consume nothing of
consequence upon which a duty is paid; and what the
matter does contribute is earned for him by the labor of
slaves, while the farmer and every man of business in
the northern and middle states pays his taxes with the
sweat of his own brow. It will be said that the
comparisons of this kind are invidious. It is false.
Truth and correct information so far from meriting that
character are always honorable and useful. With very
considerable labor I have made some calculations upon
this subject, for which I shall receive the thanks of
every honest man in the district, and which will
certainly give rise to the reflections of a most
interesting nature. |

The Balance and
Columbian Repository |
Whole No. of
persons in the US in 1790 ----------- 3,893,635
Deduct slaves
-------------- 694,280
3,199,355
Three fifths of the slaves
-------------- 416,568
Whole No. represented -----------
3,615,923
Giving 109 representatives and a fraction of 18,923. But by
the loss of fractional parts of the ratio of representation
in the apportionment to the several states the actual number
was only 106.
Of
the 694,280 slaves, the states of Maryland, Virginia,
Kentucky, N. Carolina, S. Carolina and Georgia contained
645,023, three-fifths of which number is 387,012; which
divided by 33,000, (and not calculated fractional loss, in
the apportionment to the states which would not in this case
amount to one member) gives as the slave agreeable to the
first census, eleven members, and a fraction of 24,012.
Whole number of
persons in the US in 1800, exclusive of Tennessee, Ohio and
the Territories:
5,140,208
SLAVES TOTAL
Tennessee
13,584 105,602
Ohio
45,365
Indiana 135 5,641
Mississippi 3,489 8,850
17,208 165,458
165,458
5,305,666
In other states:
Slaves, 875,225
Deduct
in Deduct in Indiana
Indiana
and and Mississippi
Mississippi: 3,624
unrepresented: 14,491
5,291,175
888,809 Deduct
slaves: 888,809
4,402,366
Three-fifths of
slaves: 533,280
4,935,646
Giving 149 representatives and a fraction of 18,646. But the
loss of fractional parts etc. the number is only 142.
By
the second census, of 888,809 slaves the same states contain
832,992, three fifths of which is 499,794, giving 15
representatives and a fraction of 15 representatives and a
fraction of 4,794.
I
shall divide the United States into three great natural
divisions of northern, middle and southern states. The
northern receive no advantage, the middle but a trifle if
any, and the southern an important advantage, from the
representation for slaves.
The
following table exhibits the decrease of slaves in the
northern and middle, and their increase in the southern
states, for ten years.
New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut and
Vermont contained in 1790 – Total 1,009,522; slaves 1,886.
In 1800, Total 1,233,011; slaves 1,339.
New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware, in 1790. Total
1,017,726; slaves 45,894.
Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, South Carolina
and Georgia in 1790. Total 1,866,387; slaves 645,023. In
1800, Total 2,437, 231; slaves 832,992.
The
slaves in the northern states have decreased from 3,886 to
1,339 almost in the ratio of 2 in 3. In the middle states
from 45,371 to 40,894, in that of nearly one ninth.
Increased in the southern states from 645,023 to 832,992,
nearly one third of the original number, or in the ratio of
832 to 645.
Rhode Island has decreased form 948 to 380. Connecticut from
2,764 to 951. New York nearly stationary; Pennsylvania and
Delaware have decreased a little, and Maryland made a small
increase. Virginia has increased in the ratio of 345 to 292
– Kentucky in that of 40 to 12, North Carolina in that of
133 to 100. South Carolina in that of 146 to 107. Georgia
has doubled her number. The increase gives four members of
congress and as many electors of the president to the
southern states.
This
increase of the whole number of person represented has been
as 49 to 36; that of slaves for which their matters are
represented, as 53 to 41; that of freemen as 44 to 31. Let
us calculate upon the same ratio of increase for ten years
to come. Increase the number of persons represented from 49
to 65 – slaves from 53 to 68 – freemen from 44 to 60, round
numbers; there will be in ten years more than 19
representatives for slaves. But if we calculate as we may
with probability, upon a much larger increase, upon the
creation of new states in Louisiana and the importation and
propagation of slaves in that country, in 20 or 30 years
there will be between 30 and 40 representatives in congress
for slaves and as many electors of president.
But
another very gloomy part of the picture remains to be
unfolded.
In
the last ten years the whole number of persons in the
northern or eastern states has increased only in the
proportion of 12 to 10 in the middle as 14 to 10, in the
southern nearly as 24 to 18. Free people in the southern
states from 1,221,364 to 1,604,239. – Free people in the
eastern states in the ratio of one fifth of the original
number; those in the southern states in that of nearly one
third; slaves in the same proportion.
By
the last census the number of free persons in the northern
states was 1,231,672 and in the southern states was
1,604,239. By the former census the number of free persons
in the northern states was 1,005,636, and in the southern
states, 1,221,364. How are the people in these different
quarters of the Union relatively represented?
By
the first census Vermont had 2 members, New Hampshire 4,
Massachusetts 14, Rhode Island 2, North Carolina 10, South
Carolina 6, Georgia 2 – 46 members. 1,005,636 free citizens
in the northern states had 29 representatives, and 1.221,364
in the southern, 46 representatives. Without allowing any
fractions of the ratio of representation in the
apportionment to the several states, and making no
allowances for slaves, the northern states would have been
entitled, by the census of 1791 to 30 representatives and a
fraction of 15,636, the southern to 37 only with the
trifling fraction of 364. In consequence, therefore, of the
constitutional representation for slaves, the relative
weight of the northern and southern states was only as 29 to
46, when otherwise it would have been 30 to 37.
By
the present census the northern states have 35
representatives and the southern 64, including Tennessee.
1,231,672 free people in the northern states have 35
representatives. The southern states including Tennessee,
contain 1,696,257 free people, and have 64 representatives.
As above, the northern states would have been entitled by
the census of 1800, to 37 members, with a fraction of 10,672
– The southern to 51 and a fraction of 10,672. It is as 35
to 64; and were freemen alone represented, and that equally,
it would be as 37 to 51. Instead of being a little more than
half, it would be more than two thirds.
But
it is contended that the equal representation in the senate
counterbalances this inequality: and the deceivers of the
people have met with some success in this falsehood. I will
prove it false in one minute. The five northern states
contain 1,231,672 free people, and send 10 senators; the 7
southern states 1,696,257, and send 14 senators. By the
simple operation in the rule of three, it will be found that
the southern states, by their numbers, in proportion to
those of the northern, are entitled only to 13 senators,
with a fraction of 91 parts of 123. The middle states stand
almost on the same ground with the northern. As it respects
the Senate they are on worse ground. With a free population
but one eighth less than that of the southern states, they
have but one more than half the number of Senators.
Vermont, for 154,000 free people has 4 representatives.
Massachusetts for 574,564 has 17 representatives, New
Hampshire, for 183,850 has 5, Connecticut for 250,051 has 7,
Rhode Island for 68,742 has 2. – New York for 565,437 has
17. New Jersey for 198,727 has 6. Pennsylvania for 600,839
has 18. Delaware for 58,120 has 1. Virginia the largest of
the southern states, has in whole numbers 880,200, deduct
slaves 345,796, free people 534,404. Virginia with 40,160
free less than Massachusetts, has five representatives and
electors more. – With 31,033 less than New York, she has
five more of each. With 66,435 less than
Pennsylvania, she has four more of each. Persons now alive
may see the day when the southern and western states will
have more representatives in congress and electors of the
president, for slaves only, than the northern will
have for all their free people!
Whoever shall deny the truth of any part of this statement,
may rely upon it is a deceiver and dishonest. If there be no
accidental or typographical mistakes in the figures, every
word of it is our own misfortune, and not the crime of the
people of the fourth. We must make the best of a bad
bargain. We must by all means preserve the constitution. Our
situation is indeed wretched, as we have no compensation for
this monstrous sacrifice. That which was intended as a
compensation (a very trifling one, however) the
apportionment of direct taxes, has never been exercised but
once, and probably never will be again. Still let us
preserve the constitution. But it cannot be treason,
conspiracy, or a division of the Union, to
contemplate our misfortunes, and calculate their
consequences.
About the Author: Mr. James Elliot
Mr.
James Elliot was a Representative from Vermont; born
in Gloucester, Mass., August 18, 1775; during his early
years worked on a farm and clerked in a store; moved to
Guilford, Vt., in 1790; served as a sergeant in the Indian
war of 1793 in Ohio; published several works of poems and
essays in 1798; clerk of the State house of representatives
1801-1803; studied law; was admitted to the bar in 1803 and
commenced practice in Brattleboro, Vt.; elected as a
Federalist to the Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Congresses (March
4, 1803-March 3, 1809); published a newspaper in
Philadelphia, Pa., on his retirement from Congress; served
in the War of 1812 for a short time as captain; resumed the
practice of law in Brattleboro, Vt.; clerk of the Windham
County Court 1817-1835; member of the State house of
representatives in 1818 and 1819; moved to Newfane, Vt.;
register of the probate court 1822-1834; again served in the
State house of representatives in 1837 and 1838; State’s
attorney of Windham County 1837-1839; died in Newfane, Vt.,
November 10, 1839; interment in Prospect Hill Cemetery,
Brattleboro, Vt. -- (Note: In 1777, Vermont was the first
colony to abolish slavery.)
About the Editor: Harry Croswell
In 1801 Harry Croswell moved to Hudson, New York, to join
the retired Congregational minister, Ezra Sampson, and a
bookseller, George Chittenden, in publication of an
independent newspaper called The Balance and Columbian
Repository. Croswell's forte on the paper was his
acerbic -- one could even say venomous -- political
commentary. Indeed, his intemperate columns in this paper
and another, The Wasp (which he published briefly in
1802 to counter the pro-Democratic paper The Bee),
foreshadowed the end of his journalistic career. Croswell
printed such scurrilous attacks on Thomas Jefferson that
Jefferson authorized his New York supporters to bring
charges against Croswell as "a malicious and seditious man
... of a depraved mind and wicked and diabolical
disposition," who had contrived to "scandalize, traduce and
vilify" the President of the United States. Even Alexander
Hamilton's eloquence on appeal could not overturn Croswell's
guilty verdict, in a celebrated case that would establish
limits to the freedom of the press. |